Coffee houses and the internet - Module 7

C2 Proficiency · Gapped Text · Expert Proficiency, Pearson Education

You are going to read an article about the social history of coffee houses. Seven paragraphs have been removed from the extract. Choose from the paragraphs A-H the one which fits each gap (1–7). There is one extra paragraph which you do not need to use.

Coffee houses and the internet

According to local custom, social differences were left at the door when you entered such a scholarly space, each of those details contributing to an ambience that fostered sober, respectful behaviour. Indeed, anyone who started a quarrel had to atone for it by buying a coffee for all present. In short, these were calm, well-ordered establishments that promoted polite conversation and discussion.

But that was a risk some were willing to take, for coffee houses did have their detractors. Coffee itself was held by some to be a harmful substance, although this was never taken particularly seriously. The real opposition came from those who were alarmed at the houses' potential for facilitating political discussion and activity.

Coffee, the drink that fuelled this vibrant network, originated in the highlands of Ethiopia, where its beans were originally chewed rather than infused for their invigorating effects. Coffee spread into the Islamic world during the fifteenth century, where it came to be regarded as stimulating mental activity and heightening perception.

In the days before formal addresses or regular postal services were introduced, for example, it became a common practice to use one as a mailing address. Regulars could pop in once or twice a day, hear the latest news, and check to see if any post awaited them.

Lavish entertainment at home was beyond the means of this social stratum but a few pence a day on coffee could be afforded. What's more, coffee houses provided a forum for education, debate and self-improvement, and were nicknamed 'penny universities' in a contemporary English verse.

Such kinship was soon underlined by the establishment of so-called 'hotspots'. What's more, from the outset these often provided access in establishments where coffee was also on offer – this can't have been a coincidence.

The parallels are certainly striking. Originally the province of scientists, the Net also soon grew to become a nexus of commercial, journalistic and political interchange. In discussion groups, gossip passes freely – a little too freely, according to some regulators and governments, which have generally failed in their attempts to rein them in.

The quality of the coffee wasn't the only factor governing which one this would be, however, for these lively and often unreliable sources of information typically specialised in a particular topic or political viewpoint. They also doubled as outlets for a stream of newsletters and pamphlets that reflected the interests of their particular clientele.

What's more, rumours, news and gossip were often carried between them by their patrons and runners would flit from one to another to report major events. Each establishment was, therefore, an integral part of quite a complex web of contacts. But of even greater importance was their role as centres of scientific education, literary and philosophical speculation, commercial innovation and, sometimes, political fermentation.

This reputation accompanied its spread into Europe during the seventeenth century, at first as a medicine, and then as a social beverage in the eastern tradition. It was reflected in the decor of the dedicated coffee houses that began to appear in European cities, London in particular, where they were often adorned with bookshelves, mirrors, gilt-framed pictures and good furniture.

There was a new rationalism abroad in the spheres of both philosophy and commerce, and this ethos struck exactly the right note, whilst coffee was the ideal accompaniment. The popularity of the beverage owed much to the growing middle class of information workers – clerks, merchants and businessmen – who did mental work in offices rather than performing physical labour in the open, and found that it sharpened their mental faculties.

As with modern websites, the coffee houses an individual or group frequented reflected their interests, for each coffee house attracted a particular clientele, usually by virtue of its location. Though coffee houses were also popular in Paris, Venice and Amsterdam, this characteristic was particularly notable in London, where eighty-two coffee houses had been set up by 1663, and more than five hundred by 1700. For many, coffee houses had become almost an extension of the home.

That said, most people frequented several houses for the purpose of furthering their commercial, social or political interests. A merchant, for example, would generally oscillate between a financial house and one specialising in shipping or trade with a particular region. The wide-ranging interests of Robert Hooke, a scientist and polymath, were reflected in his visits to around sixty houses during the 1670s. Not to visit one at all was to invite social exclusion.

This is exactly the kind of threat that worries some people today about the power of social-networking sites. Interestingly, a proclamation of 1675 that sought to outlaw the coffee houses of London was met by a public outcry, for they had become central to commercial as well as political life. When it became clear that the proclamation would be ignored, it was toned down and then quietly dropped.

But history also provides a cautionary tale for those operators who would charge for access. Coffee houses used to charge for coffee, but gave away access to reading materials. Many coffee shops are now following the same model, which could undermine the prospects for fee-based hotspots. Information, both in the seventeenth century and today, wants to be free – and coffee-drinking customers, it seems, expect it to be.

Where do you go when you want to know the latest news, keep up with celebrity gossip, find out what others think of a new book, or stay abreast of the latest scientific and technological developments? Today, the answer is obvious: you log on to the internet. Three centuries ago, the answer was just as easy: you went to your favourite coffee house. ___ What's more, rumours, news and gossip were often carried between them by their patrons and runners would flit from one to another to report major events. Each establishment was, therefore, an integral part of quite a complex web of contacts. But of even greater importance was their role as centres of scientific education, literary and philosophical speculation, commercial innovation and, sometimes, political fermentation. ___ This reputation accompanied its spread into Europe during the seventeenth century, at first as a medicine, and then as a social beverage in the eastern tradition. It was reflected in the decor of the dedicated coffee houses that began to appear in European cities, London in particular, where they were often adorned with bookshelves, mirrors, gilt-framed pictures and good furniture. ___ There was a new rationalism abroad in the spheres of both philosophy and commerce, and this ethos struck exactly the right note, whilst coffee was the ideal accompaniment. The popularity of the beverage owed much to the growing middle class of information workers – clerks, merchants and businessmen – who did mental work in offices rather than performing physical labour in the open, and found that it sharpened their mental faculties. ___ As with modern websites, the coffee houses an individual or group frequented reflected their interests, for each coffee house attracted a particular clientele, usually by virtue of its location. Though coffee houses were also popular in Paris, Venice and Amsterdam, this characteristic was particularly notable in London, where eighty-two coffee houses had been set up by 1663, and more than five hundred by 1700. For many, coffee houses had become almost an extension of the home. ___ That said, most people frequented several houses for the purpose of furthering their commercial, social or political interests. A merchant, for example, would generally oscillate between a financial house and one specialising in shipping or trade with a particular region. The wide-ranging interests of Robert Hooke, a scientist and polymath, were reflected in his visits to around sixty houses during the 1670s. Not to visit one at all was to invite social exclusion. ___ This is exactly the kind of threat that worries some people today about the power of social-networking sites. Interestingly, a proclamation of 1675 that sought to outlaw the coffee houses of London was met by a public outcry, for they had become central to commercial as well as political life. When it became clear that the proclamation would be ignored, it was toned down and then quietly dropped. ___ But history also provides a cautionary tale for those operators who would charge for access. Coffee houses used to charge for coffee, but gave away access to reading materials. Many coffee shops are now following the same model, which could undermine the prospects for fee-based hotspots. Information, both in the seventeenth century and today, wants to be free – and coffee-drinking customers, it seems, expect it to be.

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